Whenever you find yourself on the side of the majority, it is time to pause and reflect. Mark Twain
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What Matters About Me
- Jack C. Getz
- I am who I am, not what I have done. For those who care about pedigree, I have little more than being a former public school teacher and a pastor/denominational adminstrator. The following insights come from a couple of tests I took. They may explain why I am a Contrarian and why I decided to do a blog about it. The first test is a standardized personality profile. The second is something strange called a Brain Type test! 1)“Jack lives outside traditional boundaries and ahead of the curve. When others focus on limitations, Jack creates new possibilities and ideas. He is a doer, not just a dreamer. Well grounded in reality, logic and analytical thinking. He enjoys meeting and working with other creative and ambitious people...a fearless leader. Only 3-5% of U.S. population has these qualities.” 2) Jack's Intellectual Type is Word Warrior. This means he has exceptional verbal skills. He can can easily make sense of complex issues and takes an unusually creative approach to solving problems. His strengths also make him a visionary. Even without trying he's able to come up with lots of new and creative ideas. (Like blogging as Contrarian?)
This challenges common ideas about the purpose of praying. Not a rehash of old dogma.
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Sunday, August 21, 2016
The Real Power of Rain
I never feel more alive than during a thunderstorm. Maybe that's because I sit in safety and see unbridled power on display, sometimes acting out close enough to touch. Rain alone enables new life while sustaining the old, and only rain ends times of dryness and drought. And only rain nourishes today while quietly promising another day tomorrow for every life form on earth - and beyond.
Rain washes away dust while refilling the thirsty aquifers beneath our feet. It also creates sights, sounds and smells that nothing else replicates. Nothing comes close.
The magic of a fearful thunderstorm produces deepest awe, at the same time flashes visual perspectives of our puny weaknesses and strengths.
Are our deepest primal needs met, or challenged by a good gully washer? Rain wind, lightning and thunder reach the human soul more profoundly than prayer or organized worship. As eerie darkness produces the wind and rain that arrhythmically batters a small tent, or relentlessly drums on the metal roof of a lonely cabin in the woods, we easily sense a presence that equals - or surpasses - the greatest requiem or finest hymn. And at that moment, we intuitively and naturally commune with an eternal source that is far beyond us.
Jack C. Getz
8/21/16
Friday, August 12, 2016
The Five C's of Understanding History - works with the Bible as well.
AHA Publications & Directories Perspectives on History January 2007 What Does It Mean to Think Historically?
In This Section
Teaching
What Does It Mean to Think Historically?
Thomas Andrews and Flannery Burke, January 2007
Introduction
When we started working on Teachers for a New Era, a Carnegie-sponsored initiative designed to strengthen teacher training, we thought we knew a thing or two about our discipline. As we began reading such works as Sam Wineburg's Historical Thinking and Other Unnatural Acts, however, we encountered an unexpected challenge.1 If our understandings of the past constituted a sort of craft knowledge, how could we distill and communicate habits of mind we and our colleagues had developed through years of apprenticeship, guild membership, and daily practice to university students so that they, in turn, could impart these habits in K–12 classrooms?
In response, we developed an approach we call the "five C's of historical thinking." The concepts of change over time, causality, context, complexity, and contingency, we believe, together describe the shared foundations of our discipline. They stand at the heart of the questions historians seek to answer, the arguments we make, and the debates in which we engage. These ideas are hardly new to professional historians. But that is precisely their value: They make our implicit ways of thought explicit to the students and teachers whom we train. The five C's do not encompass the universe of historical thinking, yet they do provide a remarkably useful tool for helping students at practically any level learn how to formulate and support arguments based on primary sources, as well as to understand and challenge historical interpretations related in secondary sources. In this article, we define the five C's, explain how each concept helps us to understand the past, and provide some brief examples of how we have employed the five C's when teaching teachers. Our approach is necessarily broad and basic, characteristics well suited for a foundation upon which we invite our colleagues from kindergartens to research universities to build.
Change over Time
The idea of change over time is perhaps the easiest of the C's to grasp. Students readily acknowledge that we employ and struggle with technologies unavailable to our forebears, that we live by different laws, and that we enjoy different cultural pursuits. Moreover, students also note that some aspects of life remain the same across time. Many Europeans celebrate many of the same holidays that they did three or four hundred years ago, for instance, often using the same rituals and words to mark a day's significance. Continuity thus comprises an integral part of the idea of change over time.
Students often find the concept of change over time elementary. Even individuals who claim to despise history can remember a few dates and explain that some preceded or followed others. At any educational level, timelines can teach change over time as well as the selective process that leads people to pay attention to some events while ignoring others. In our U.S. survey class, we often ask students to interview family and friends and write a paper explaining how their family's history has intersected with major events and trends that we are studying. By discovering their own family's past, students often see how individuals can make a difference and how personal history changes over time along with major events.
As historians of the American West and environmental historians, we often turn to maps to teach change over time. The same space represented in different ways as political power, economic structures, and cultural influences shift can often put in shocking relief the differences that time makes. The work of repeat photographers such as Mark Klett offers another compelling tool for teaching change over time. Such photographers begin with a historic landscape photograph, then take pains to re-take the shot from the same site, at the same angle, using similar equipment, and even under analogous conditions.2 While suburbs and industry have overrun many western locales, students are often surprised to see that some places have become more desolate and others have hardly changed at all. The exercise engages students with a non-written primary source, photographs, and demands that they reassess their expectations regarding how time changes.
Context
Some things change, others stay the same—not a very interesting story but reason for concern since history, as the best teachers will tell you, is about telling stories. Good story telling, we contend, builds upon an understanding of context. Given young people's fascination with narratives and their enthusiasm for imaginative play, pupils (particularly elementary school students) often find context the most engaging element of historical thinking. As students mature, of course, they recognize that the past is not just a playful alternate universe. Working with primary sources, they discover that the past makes more sense when they set it within two frameworks. In our teaching, we liken the first to the floating words that roll across the screen at the beginning of every Star Wars film. This kind of context sets the stage; the second helps us to interpret evidence concerning the action that ensues. Texts, events, individual lives, collective struggles—all develop within a tightly interwoven world.
Historians who excel at the art of storytelling often rely heavily upon context. Jonathan Spence's Death of Woman Wang, for example, skillfully recreates 17th-century China by following the trail of a sparsely documented murder. To solve the mystery, students must understand the time and place in which it occurred. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich brings colonial New England to life by concentrating on the details of textile production and basket making in Age of Homespun. College courses regularly use the work of both authors because they not only spark student interest, but also hone students' ability to describe the past and identify distinctive elements of different eras.3
Imaginative play is what makes context, arguably the easiest, yet also, paradoxically, the most difficult of the five C's to teach. Elementary school assignments that require students to research and wear medieval European clothes or build a California mission from sugar cubes both strive to teach context. The problem with such assignments is that they often blur the lines between reality and make-believe. The picturesque often trumps more banal or more disturbing truths. Young children may never be able to get all the facts straight. As one elementary school teacher once reminded us, "We teach kids who still believe in Santa Claus." Nonetheless, elementary school teachers can be cautious in their re-creations, and, most of all, they can be comfortable telling students when they don't know a given fact or when more research is necessary. That an idea might require more thought or more research is a valuable lesson at any age. The desire to recreate a world sometimes drives students to dig more deeply into their books, a reaction few teachers lament.
In our own classes, we have taught context using an assignment that we call "Fact, Fiction, or Creative Memory." In this exercise, students wrestle with a given source and determine whether it is primarily a work of history, fiction, or memory. We have asked students to bring in a present-day representation of 1950s life and explain what it teaches people today about life in 1950s America. Then, we have asked the class to discuss if the representation is a historically fair depiction of the era. We have also assigned textbook passages and Don DeLillo's Pafko at the Wall, then asked students to compare them to decide which offers stronger insights into the character of Cold War America.4 Each of these assignments addresses context, because each asks students to think about the distinctions between representations of the past and the critical thinking about the past that is history. Moreoever, each asks students to weave together a variety of sources and assess the reliability of each before incorporating them into a whole.
Causality
Historians use context, change over time, and causality to form arguments explaining past change. While scientists can devise experiments to test theories and yield data, historians cannot alter past conditions to produce new information. Rather, they must base their arguments upon the interpretation of partial primary sources that frequently offer multiple explanations for a single event. Historians have long argued over the causes of the Protestant Reformation or World War I, for example, without achieving consensus. Such uncertainty troubles some students, but history classrooms are at their most dynamic when teachers encourage pupils to evaluate the contributions of multiple factors in shaping past events, as well as to formulate arguments asserting the primacy of some causes over others.
To teach causality, we have turned to the stand-by activities of the history classroom: debates and role-playing. After arming students with primary sources, we ask them to argue whether monetary or fiscal policy played a greater role in causing the Great Depression. After giving students descriptions drawn from primary sources of immigrant families in Los Angeles, we have asked students to take on the role of various family members and explain their reasons for immigrating and their reasons for settling in particular neighborhoods. Neither exercise is especially novel, but both fulfill a central goal of studying history: to develop persuasive explanations of historical events and processes based on logical interpretations of evidence.
Contingency
Contingency may, in fact, be the most difficult of the C's. To argue that history is contingent is to claim that every historical outcome depends upon a number of prior conditions; that each of these prior conditions depends, in turn, upon still other conditions; and so on. The core insight of contingency is that the world is a magnificently interconnected place. Change a single prior condition, and any historical outcome could have turned out differently. Lee could have won at Gettysburg, Gore might have won in Florida, China might have inaugurated the world's first industrial revolution.
Contingency can be an unsettling idea—so much so that people in the past have often tried to mask it with myths of national and racial destiny. The Pilgrim William Bradford, for instance, interpreted the decimation of New England's native peoples not as a consequence of smallpox, but as a literal godsend.5 Two centuries later, American ideologues chose to rationalize their unlikely fortunes—from the purchase of Louisiana to the discovery of gold in California—as their nation's "Manifest Destiny." Historians, unlike Bradford and the apologists of westward expansion, look at the same outcomes differently. They see not divine fate, but a series of contingent results possessing other possibilities.
Contingency can be an unsettling idea—so much so that people in the past have often tried to mask it with myths of national and racial destiny. The Pilgrim William Bradford, for instance, interpreted the decimation of New England's native peoples not as a consequence of smallpox, but as a literal godsend.5 Two centuries later, American ideologues chose to rationalize their unlikely fortunes—from the purchase of Louisiana to the discovery of gold in California—as their nation's "Manifest Destiny." Historians, unlike Bradford and the apologists of westward expansion, look at the same outcomes differently. They see not divine fate, but a series of contingent results possessing other possibilities.
Contingency demands that students think deeply about past, present, and future. It offers a powerful corrective to teleology, the fallacy that events pursue a straight-arrow course to a pre-determined outcome, since people in the past had no way of anticipating our present world. Contingency also reminds us that individuals shape the course of human events. What if Karl Marx had decided to elude Prussian censors by emigrating to the United States instead of France, where he met Frederick Engels? To assert that the past is contingent is to impress upon students the notion that the future is up for grabs, and that they bear some responsibility for shaping the course of future history.
Contingency can be a difficult concept to present abstractly, but it suffuses the stories historians tend to tell about individual lives. Futurology, however, might offer an even stronger tool for imparting contingency than biography. Mechanistic views of history as the inevitable march toward the present tend to collapse once students see how different their world is from any predicted in the past.
Complexity
Moral, epistemological, and causal complexity distinguish historical thinking from the conception of "history" held by many non-historians.6 Re-enacting battles and remembering names and dates require effort but not necessarily analytical rigor. Making sense of a messy world that we cannot know directly, in contrast, is more confounding but also more rewarding.
Chronicles distill intricate historical processes into a mere catalogue, while nostalgia conjures an uncomplicated golden age that saves us the trouble of having to think about the past. Our own need for order can obscure our understanding of how past worlds functioned and blind us to the ways in which myths of rosy pasts do political and cultural work in the present. Reveling in complexity rather than shying away from it, historians seek to dispel the power of chronicle, nostalgia, and other traps that obscure our ability to understand the past on its own terms.
One of the most successful exercises we have developed for conveying complexity in all of these dimensions is a mock debate on Cherokee Removal. Two features of the exercise account for the richness and depth of understanding that it imparts on students. First, the debate involves multiple parties; the Treaty and Anti-Treaty Parties, Cherokee women, John Marshall, Andrew Jackson, northern missionaries, the State of Georgia, and white settlers each offer a different perspective on the issue. Second, students develop their understanding of their respective positions using the primary sources collected in Cherokee Removal: A Brief History with Documents by Theda Perdue and Michael Green.7 While it can be difficult to assess what students learn from such exercises, we have noted anecdotally that, following the exercise, students seem much less comfortable referring to "American" or "Indian" positions as monolithic identities.
Conclusion
Our experiments with the five C's have confronted us with several challenges. These concepts offer a fluid tool for engaging historical thought at multiple levels, but they can easily degenerate into a checklist. Students who favor memorization over analysis seem inclined to recite the C's without necessarily understanding them. Moreover, as habits of mind, the five C's develop only with practice. Though primary and secondary schools increasingly emphasize some aspects of these themes, particularly the use of primary sources as evidence, more attention to the five C's with appropriate variations over the course of K–12 education would help future citizens not only to care about history, but also to contemplate it. It is our hope that this might help students to see the past not simply as prelude to our present, nor a list of facts to memorize, a cast of heroes and villains to cheer and boo, nor as an itinerary of places to tour, but rather as an ideal field for thinking long and hard about important questions.
—Flannery Burke and Thomas Andrews are both assistant professors of history and Teachers for a New Era faculty members at California State University at Northridge. Burke is working on a book for the University Press of Kansas tentatively entitled Longing and Belonging: Mabel Dodge Luhan and Greenwich Village's Avant-Garde in Taos. Andrews is completing a manuscript for Harvard University Press, tentatively entitled Ludlow: The Nature of Industrial Struggle in the Colorado Coalfields.
Notes
1. Sam Wineburg, Historical Thinking and Other Unnatural Acts: Charting the Future of Teaching the Past (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001).
2. Mark Klett, Kyle Bajakian, William L. Fox, Michael Marshall, Toshi Ueshina, and Byron G. Wolfe, Third Views, Second Sights: A Rephotographic Survey of the American West (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2004).
3. Jonathan D. Spence, Death of Woman Wang (New York: Viking, 1978); Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, The Age of Homespun: Objects and Stories in the Creation of an American Myth (New York: Knopf, 2001).
5. William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York: Random House, 1952).
www.historians.org/publications-and-directories/perspectives-on-history/january-2007/what-does-it-mean-to-think-historically
Saturday, August 6, 2016
Crazy like me? I hope so!
"Here’s to the crazy ones, the misfits, the rebels, the troublemakers, the round pegs in the square holes, the ones who see things differently. They’re not fond of rules, and they have no respect for the status quo. You can quote them, disagree with them, glorify or vilify them. About the only thing you can’t do is ignore them, because they change things. They push the human race forward, and while some may see them as the crazy ones, we see genius, because the people who are crazy enough to think they can change the world, are the ones who do. —APPLE INC., “THINK DIFFERENT” COMMERCIAL (1997).
Wednesday, August 3, 2016
The New American Enlightenment Movement
The New American Enlightenment Movement
Enlightenment is a relative term. At its root, social and political enlightenment is an intellectual movement that gradually - but sometimes violently - transfers authority from institutions to individuals, from perceived oppressors to the enlightened oppressed.
To those who hold power, especially the type of arbitrary power the Church held over Western culture for 1, 500 years, the word enlightenment was a death knoll. Their ecclesiastical grip on all aspects of society in the West strangled any life form aberrant to itself, including education, government, natural philosophy (science) and faith. The principle in play here is that any light entering the dungeons of arbitrary authority is anathema to that authority, much like water is to fire.
It took the likes of Martin Luther and other 16th century "heretics" to crack open the windows of arbitrary church authority, shedding reformation light on a dogmatic truth that was permanently hidden under a bushel of papal corruption and sanctimonious deceit. Luther and his Wittenberg hammer struck repeated blows at an arbitrary Church that acted solely in its self- interests, in the name of Jesus. A heavy ecclesiastical hand squeezed the life out the masses and any dissenters by instilling a palpable fear of Hell into the illiterate and ignorant via excommunication from all grace or a national interdict on their eternal bliss, all of which fed the flames of and irrepressible Papal furnaces.
To free thinkers, however, enlightenment was, and continues to be, a hopeful prospect using any number of intellectual or artistic disciplines such as poetry, literature, science and philosophy to chip away at the mountains of oppressive, arbitrary authority. New "dangerous" ideas seek out expanding opportunities of self-expression, gradually enabling the oppressed to break the shackles of ignorance, always seeking the means to participate in the liberating activities of light and truth instead of succumbing to the smothering weight of church dogma.
18th Century American Colonial enlightenment thinkers joined their European counterparts by attacking King George's monarchical grip with the three simple, but highly explosive, goals of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. "Several key thinkers influenced the American Enlightenment, including John Locke, Adam Smith, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. John Locke argued that individuals have the right to create, alter, or abolish governments by their common consent." Boundless.com.
The 18th Century American Enlightenment served to break the shackles from both fledgling nations and individual citizens previously bound by the authority of Church and State. The flames of the growing European Enlightenment helped ignite the powder keg of The American Revolution.
Then a decade later, the American model inspired the French masses who coined their own phrase, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity to describe their bloody revolt from the arbitrary institution of the Monarchy to the individual designs of empowered citizens.
I suggest America today, if not the world, is experiencing another Enlightenment. The foundations of what has been centuries of arbitrary Christian-based morality are eroding under the relentless pressure of progressive ideas that champion the rights of all citizens to live their convictions without fear of social and economic repercussion.
In terms of individual liberty versus institutional authority, progressives view the likes of gender identity bathroom choice as important as any other constitutionally guaranteed right. Marriage in its traditional Biblical sense is an affront to those who see the Bible as little more than an oppressive form of authority that must be vanquished. Many LGBTQ practitioners see fundamental Christianity as illegitimate and as immoral as our Founding Fathers saw King George's government.
Enlightenment is a process of overthrowing oppressive authority. So, when progressive activists control the majority of corporate entities, personal and governmental decisions are predictable. If a state decides to keep restroom use traditional, they face the loss of immense amounts of corporate money via the boycotting of their tourism industry.
So, if traditional values are ever pitted against the new politically correct left, no business or political leader will opt for the rights of any group that endangers the economic well-being of their state. The old, standards of fundamental Christianity will always lose now to the new progressivism that is considered by the PC powerful, refreshing enlightenment.
This phenomenon is played out almost weekly in our land. Governors, businesses and churches chafe under the irrepressible influence of liberal political correctness groups, only recently backing down from perceived morality positions in Indiana and Georgia. Then in North Carolina where next year's scheduled National Basketball Association championship activities have been rescinded, costing the area hundreds of millions of dollars because of the state embraced conservative gender identity and public restroom policies. Finally, Confederate flags are disappearing across the South, and Confederate soldier's statues are being removed in several states because of what they represented more than a century ago.
That's how the new enlightenment looks. And any who think life will eventually revert back to the good old days of Biblical morality and family values will be frustrated and disappointed, if not angry and defeated.
Like it or not, the church and the Bible are the model arbitrary authorities that are falling under the daily attack of the new "enlightened" minorities. Some popular political figures today catch the attention of millions, mostly because they appear fearless in the face of the politically correct left power brokers. To some, the change from the old morality to a new one is welcome. To others it represents the end of their understanding of social order and the good old American way.
How one sees that dichotomy will determine their level of optimism or pessimism for the world today and in the immediate future.
JG
8/6/2016
2/20/18
THE GREAT AWAKENING BY CONTRAST
"The Second Great Awakening was a Protestant religious revival movement during the early 19th century in the United States. The movement began around 1790, gained momentum by 1800 and, after 1820, membership rose rapidly among Baptist and Methodist congregations whose preachers led the movement. It was past its peak by the late 1850s. The Second Great Awakening reflected Romanticism characterized by enthusiasm, emotion, and an appeal to the super-natural. It rejected the skeptical rationalism and deism of the Enlightenment." Wikipedia
As opposed to the Great Enlightenment.
The words describing the movements are pregnant with imagery. Awakening the inner man versus Enlightening the inner man. One is emotionally based ROMANTICISM, the other is educationally based PRAGMATISM. One is reaction, one is process. One builds the authority of institutions, the other dismantles them. One is based on divinity, the other on humanity. JG
*French Revolutionary "Freedom"
On the whole, the French Revolution was hostile to Christianity and to institutions which the church had built over the centuries.
The revolutionists pursued an erratic policy toward church and faith. At times they attempted to sway the priests to their side. Very early in the revolution, while the king was still alive, the Catholic church was declared the only church of the nation. But, more typically, the revolutionaries acted directly contrary to the interests of the church.
The churchmen were not without blame. Their bishops were largely drawn from the old ruling classes. As their persecution of the Huguenots showed, they were without tolerance. Indeed, had the Huguenots not been driven out of France, their zeal for Christ, their Protestant ethics and their faith might have prevented the revolution. The cruelties of the inquisition in France were notorious. Too often the established church had not shown Christ's love. Clearly, the Philosophés, who rejected the church and embraced Deism, Agnosticism or Atheism, had a strong historical rationale for their attacks on the church. And many who occupied high positions within the Revolution thought as they did.
As early as August 1789, various church fees were abolished. When the Declaration of Rights of Man was issued, it merely tolerated religion, with the words "No one is to be molested for his opinions, even his religious opinions..." A decree in November 1789 declared all church property was at the disposal of the nation. A month later a vast amount of church property was ordered sold. Early the next year, religious vows were forbidden. Yet the National Assembly agreed to pay the priests' stipends. When the Pope condemned the Declaration of Rights, half the priests swore to uphold the new constitution whereas the rest refused. They were considered anti-revolutionaries (called "non-jurors").
Non-jurors were forbidden to preach in their churches. They could only hold mass. Many non-jurors therefore renounced state pay and embraced poverty. Increasingly they came under restriction and attack.
The anti-clerical faction must have been greatly pleased when legislation closed all religious houses on this day, August 4, 1792.Cluny, an abbey hoary with tradition, was destroyed. Other abbies became prisons. Later that month an oath of liberty and equality was devised to which all clergy must accede. On the 26th, with passions running high, a decree ordered all non-juring clergy out of the nation within two weeks. Only the sick and aged alone were excused. The penalty was exportation to tropical Guiana.
Before all was over, French priests were hunted, harassed and executed. A Deist god was proclaimed by Robespierre, and at last the Goddess Reason (represented by a prostitute) was made the official deity of a France whose daily, blood-crazed zigzags in policy were anything but reasonable. Some venerable Catholic buildings became the scenes of mocking rites. These developments serve to remind us that it is easier to lash out at political chains than to throw off the chains of sin.
Bibliography:
* Aulard, François Victor Alphonse. Christianity and the French Revolution. New York: H. Fertig, 1966.
* Durant, Will and Ariel. Rousseau and Revolution. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967.
* Lefebvre, Georges. The Coming of the French Revolution. New York: Vintage Books, 1947.
* Munro and Whitcomb. Medieval and Modern History. New York, Appleton, 1912. Source of the image.
* Varoius encyclopedia articles.
Last updated April, 2007.
Published: Wednesday, April 28, 2010
To those who hold power, especially the type of arbitrary power the Church held over Western culture for 1, 500 years, the word enlightenment was a death knoll. Their ecclesiastical grip on all aspects of society in the West strangled any life form aberrant to itself, including education, government, natural philosophy (science) and faith. The principle in play here is that any light entering the dungeons of arbitrary authority is anathema to that authority, much like water is to fire.
It took the likes of Martin Luther and other 16th century "heretics" to crack open the windows of arbitrary church authority, shedding reformation light on a dogmatic truth that was permanently hidden under a bushel of papal corruption and sanctimonious deceit. Luther and his Wittenberg hammer struck repeated blows at an arbitrary Church that acted solely in its self- interests, in the name of Jesus. A heavy ecclesiastical hand squeezed the life out the masses and any dissenters by instilling a palpable fear of Hell into the illiterate and ignorant via excommunication from all grace or a national interdict on their eternal bliss, all of which fed the flames of and irrepressible Papal furnaces.
To free thinkers, however, enlightenment was, and continues to be, a hopeful prospect using any number of intellectual or artistic disciplines such as poetry, literature, science and philosophy to chip away at the mountains of oppressive, arbitrary authority. New "dangerous" ideas seek out expanding opportunities of self-expression, gradually enabling the oppressed to break the shackles of ignorance, always seeking the means to participate in the liberating activities of light and truth instead of succumbing to the smothering weight of church dogma.
18th Century American Colonial enlightenment thinkers joined their European counterparts by attacking King George's monarchical grip with the three simple, but highly explosive, goals of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. "Several key thinkers influenced the American Enlightenment, including John Locke, Adam Smith, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. John Locke argued that individuals have the right to create, alter, or abolish governments by their common consent." Boundless.com.
The 18th Century American Enlightenment served to break the shackles from both fledgling nations and individual citizens previously bound by the authority of Church and State. The flames of the growing European Enlightenment helped ignite the powder keg of The American Revolution.
Then a decade later, the American model inspired the French masses who coined their own phrase, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity to describe their bloody revolt from the arbitrary institution of the Monarchy to the individual designs of empowered citizens.
I suggest America today, if not the world, is experiencing another Enlightenment. The foundations of what has been centuries of arbitrary Christian-based morality are eroding under the relentless pressure of progressive ideas that champion the rights of all citizens to live their convictions without fear of social and economic repercussion.
In terms of individual liberty versus institutional authority, progressives view the likes of gender identity bathroom choice as important as any other constitutionally guaranteed right. Marriage in its traditional Biblical sense is an affront to those who see the Bible as little more than an oppressive form of authority that must be vanquished. Many LGBTQ practitioners see fundamental Christianity as illegitimate and as immoral as our Founding Fathers saw King George's government.
Enlightenment is a process of overthrowing oppressive authority. So, when progressive activists control the majority of corporate entities, personal and governmental decisions are predictable. If a state decides to keep restroom use traditional, they face the loss of immense amounts of corporate money via the boycotting of their tourism industry.
So, if traditional values are ever pitted against the new politically correct left, no business or political leader will opt for the rights of any group that endangers the economic well-being of their state. The old, standards of fundamental Christianity will always lose now to the new progressivism that is considered by the PC powerful, refreshing enlightenment.
This phenomenon is played out almost weekly in our land. Governors, businesses and churches chafe under the irrepressible influence of liberal political correctness groups, only recently backing down from perceived morality positions in Indiana and Georgia. Then in North Carolina where next year's scheduled National Basketball Association championship activities have been rescinded, costing the area hundreds of millions of dollars because of the state embraced conservative gender identity and public restroom policies. Finally, Confederate flags are disappearing across the South, and Confederate soldier's statues are being removed in several states because of what they represented more than a century ago.
That's how the new enlightenment looks. And any who think life will eventually revert back to the good old days of Biblical morality and family values will be frustrated and disappointed, if not angry and defeated.
Like it or not, the church and the Bible are the model arbitrary authorities that are falling under the daily attack of the new "enlightened" minorities. Some popular political figures today catch the attention of millions, mostly because they appear fearless in the face of the politically correct left power brokers. To some, the change from the old morality to a new one is welcome. To others it represents the end of their understanding of social order and the good old American way.
How one sees that dichotomy will determine their level of optimism or pessimism for the world today and in the immediate future.
JG
8/6/2016
2/20/18
THE GREAT AWAKENING BY CONTRAST
"The Second Great Awakening was a Protestant religious revival movement during the early 19th century in the United States. The movement began around 1790, gained momentum by 1800 and, after 1820, membership rose rapidly among Baptist and Methodist congregations whose preachers led the movement. It was past its peak by the late 1850s. The Second Great Awakening reflected Romanticism characterized by enthusiasm, emotion, and an appeal to the super-natural. It rejected the skeptical rationalism and deism of the Enlightenment." Wikipedia
As opposed to the Great Enlightenment.
The words describing the movements are pregnant with imagery. Awakening the inner man versus Enlightening the inner man. One is emotionally based ROMANTICISM, the other is educationally based PRAGMATISM. One is reaction, one is process. One builds the authority of institutions, the other dismantles them. One is based on divinity, the other on humanity. JG
*French Revolutionary "Freedom"
On the whole, the French Revolution was hostile to Christianity and to institutions which the church had built over the centuries.
The revolutionists pursued an erratic policy toward church and faith. At times they attempted to sway the priests to their side. Very early in the revolution, while the king was still alive, the Catholic church was declared the only church of the nation. But, more typically, the revolutionaries acted directly contrary to the interests of the church.
The churchmen were not without blame. Their bishops were largely drawn from the old ruling classes. As their persecution of the Huguenots showed, they were without tolerance. Indeed, had the Huguenots not been driven out of France, their zeal for Christ, their Protestant ethics and their faith might have prevented the revolution. The cruelties of the inquisition in France were notorious. Too often the established church had not shown Christ's love. Clearly, the Philosophés, who rejected the church and embraced Deism, Agnosticism or Atheism, had a strong historical rationale for their attacks on the church. And many who occupied high positions within the Revolution thought as they did.
As early as August 1789, various church fees were abolished. When the Declaration of Rights of Man was issued, it merely tolerated religion, with the words "No one is to be molested for his opinions, even his religious opinions..." A decree in November 1789 declared all church property was at the disposal of the nation. A month later a vast amount of church property was ordered sold. Early the next year, religious vows were forbidden. Yet the National Assembly agreed to pay the priests' stipends. When the Pope condemned the Declaration of Rights, half the priests swore to uphold the new constitution whereas the rest refused. They were considered anti-revolutionaries (called "non-jurors").
Non-jurors were forbidden to preach in their churches. They could only hold mass. Many non-jurors therefore renounced state pay and embraced poverty. Increasingly they came under restriction and attack.
The anti-clerical faction must have been greatly pleased when legislation closed all religious houses on this day, August 4, 1792.Cluny, an abbey hoary with tradition, was destroyed. Other abbies became prisons. Later that month an oath of liberty and equality was devised to which all clergy must accede. On the 26th, with passions running high, a decree ordered all non-juring clergy out of the nation within two weeks. Only the sick and aged alone were excused. The penalty was exportation to tropical Guiana.
Before all was over, French priests were hunted, harassed and executed. A Deist god was proclaimed by Robespierre, and at last the Goddess Reason (represented by a prostitute) was made the official deity of a France whose daily, blood-crazed zigzags in policy were anything but reasonable. Some venerable Catholic buildings became the scenes of mocking rites. These developments serve to remind us that it is easier to lash out at political chains than to throw off the chains of sin.
Bibliography:
* Aulard, François Victor Alphonse. Christianity and the French Revolution. New York: H. Fertig, 1966.
* Durant, Will and Ariel. Rousseau and Revolution. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967.
* Lefebvre, Georges. The Coming of the French Revolution. New York: Vintage Books, 1947.
* Munro and Whitcomb. Medieval and Modern History. New York, Appleton, 1912. Source of the image.
* Varoius encyclopedia articles.
Last updated April, 2007.
Published: Wednesday, April 28, 2010
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